Jurnal Sentris https://journal.unpar.ac.id/index.php/Sentris <div> <div> <p><img style="padding-right: 10px; width: 200px;" src="https://journal.unpar.ac.id/public/site/images/elisabeth/sentris-homepage.png" alt="" height="281" align="left" /></p> </div> <div style="text-align: justify;"> <p>Sentris was declared in 2004 with the objective to facilitate students, especially International Relations students of Universitas Katolik Parahyangan, who are interested in academic writing. Sentris is published twice a year (March-May and October-December), managed and published by KSMPMI (Kelompok Studi Mahasiswa Pengkaji Masalah Internasional) under the supervision of Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional and International Relations Department, Parahyangan Catholic University. The word “Sentris” itself means “center”, with the hope that “Sentris” can be an independent center, especially for students who want to distribute and develop their ability in academic writing.</p> <p>Sentris can be a credible literature reference for students especially in the International Relations field since it mostly focuses on International Relations issues. The writings published by Sentris are thoroughly blind reviewed by experts and academicians in respective areas such as <strong>International Politics and Security; International Politics and Economy; International Organizations and Regime; and Politics, Media, and Transnational Society</strong>.Thereupon, articles that successfully passed the reviewing process will be published online through the Open Journal System which can be accessed through Sentris website.</p> <p>Our expectation is not only to give our finest to International Relations students and academicians, but also to the general society. Concisely, based on <strong>“by students, from students, and for students”</strong>, we always strive to be able to deliver our best effort through Sentris. We hope that Sentris can be adequately accepted and influence the heart of the readers.</p> </div> </div> <div style="text-align: justify;"> <div style="text-align: justify;"> </div> <table class="data" width="100%" bgcolor="#D7D7D7"> <tbody> <tr valign="top"> <td width="30%"><strong>Journal title</strong></td> <td width="70%"><strong>Sentris</strong></td> </tr> <tr valign="top"> <td width="30%"><strong>Frequency</strong></td> <td width="70%">bianually (March-May and October December)</td> </tr> <tr valign="top"> <td width="30%"><strong>Prefix DOI</strong></td> <td width="70%"><strong>10.25693</strong> <a href="https://search.crossref.org/?from_ui=&amp;q=2746-3826" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><img src="https://i.ibb.co/T4xZdG6/crossref3.png" alt="crossref3" border="0" /></a></td> </tr> <tr valign="top"> <td width="30%"><strong>Online ISSN</strong></td> <td width="70%"><a href="https://issn.brin.go.id/terbit/detail/1598624467" target="_blank" rel="noopener">2746-3826</a></td> </tr> <tr valign="top"> <td width="30%"><strong>Print ISSN</strong></td> <td width="70%"><a href="https://issn.brin.go.id/terbit/detail/1180434752" target="_blank" rel="noopener">0216-5031</a></td> </tr> <tr valign="top"> <td width="30%"><strong>Editor In Chief</strong></td> <td width="70%"><strong>Putu Agung Nara Indra Prima Satya</strong> [<a href="https://www.scopus.com/authid/detail.uri?authorId=57437049500" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><img src="https://image.ibb.co/i6QzrJ/Scopus_type_logo.jpg" alt="Scopus_type_logo" border="0" /></a><a>]</a></td> </tr> <tr valign="top"> <td width="30%"><strong>Publisher</strong></td> <td width="70%">Universitas Katolik Parahyangan</td> </tr> <tr valign="top"> <td width="30%"><strong>Citation analysis</strong></td> <td width="70%"><a href="https://www.scopus.com/results/results.uri?sort=plf-f&amp;src=dm&amp;st1=Sentris&amp;sid=8e4f1db88dbd4c743788ce0e28593de7&amp;sot=b&amp;sdt=cl&amp;sl=22&amp;s=TITLE-ABS-KEY%28Sentris%29&amp;origin=resultslist&amp;editSaveSearch=&amp;sessionSearchId=8e4f1db88dbd4c743788ce0e28593de7&amp;limit=10&amp;cluster=scoexactsrctitle%2C%22Jurnal+Sentris%22%2Ct%2C%22J+Sentris%22%2Ct" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Scopus</a>,<a title="gsprofile" href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=ifTdtG4AAAAJ&amp;hl=en" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> Google Scholar</a>, <a title="Dimensions" href="https://app.dimensions.ai/discover/publication?search_mode=content&amp;and_facet_source_title=jour.1392810" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Dimensions,</a></td> </tr> </tbody> </table> <p><strong>Registration and login are required to submit items online and to check the status of current submissions.</strong></p> <p>Already have a Username/Password?</p> <p><a href="https://journal.unpar.ac.id/index.php/Sentris/login"><strong>GO TO LOGIN</strong></a></p> <p>Not a user? Register with this site</p> <p><a href="https://journal.unpar.ac.id/index.php/Sentris/user/register?source="><strong>GO TO REGISTRATION</strong></a></p> </div> en-US sentris@unpar.ac.id (Jurnal Sentris) sentris@unpar.ac.id (Gisela Chika) Fri, 29 Nov 2024 17:28:03 +0700 OJS 3.2.1.2 http://blogs.law.harvard.edu/tech/rss 60 The Development of the Indonesian Football Industry and its influence Towards National Reputation https://journal.unpar.ac.id/index.php/Sentris/article/view/7193 <p><em><span style="font-weight: 400;">The Indonesian football industry has undergone significant transformation and growth over the years, making it a noteworthy aspect of the nation's cultural and economic landscape. This paper explores the dynamic development of the Indonesian football industry and its profound influence on the country's national reputation. It delves into the historical roots of football in Indonesia, tracing its evolution from a grassroots movement to a professional and commercialized sport. The analysis covers various facets of the football industry, including club competitions, player development, infrastructure investment, and fan engagement. Moreover, it examines how football has become a powerful soft power tool for Indonesia, enhancing its global image and fostering international diplomatic relations. The study underscores the multifaceted impact of the Indonesian football industry on national identity, pride, and diplomacy, illustrating its role as a pivotal driver of the country's reputation on the global stage.</span></em></p> <p><strong>Keywords</strong><span style="font-weight: 400;">: Football, Indonesia, Nation, Reputation, Image</span></p> Andrew Prawira, Yuda Suhianto Copyright (c) 2024 https://journal.unpar.ac.id/index.php/Sentris/article/view/7193 Fri, 29 Nov 2024 00:00:00 +0700 Brexit Towards UK Sustainable Urban Development: Assessing Shifts in EU-UK Resilience Strategies https://journal.unpar.ac.id/index.php/Sentris/article/view/7785 <p><em>The departure of the United Kingdom from the European Union, following the Brexit referendum, has had a profound impact on UK policies and strategies across various sectors. This influence is particularly significant in the field of sustainable urban development, which previously relied on substantial EU funding sources. The cessation of significant EU funding pushed the UK to realign its sustainable development strategy. This paper explores the repercussions of Brexit on UK sustainable urban development policies, highlighting the need for new funding strategies and resilience measures. It critically analyzes how the UK is adapting to these changes and evaluates the effectiveness of its post-Brexit strategies in sustaining urban growth. This analysis is conducted within the framework of neoliberal institutionalism, which provides insights into how international organizations like the European Union and the UK government interact in the context of shifting power dynamics and national interests.</em></p> <div class="page" title="Page 1"> <div class="section"> <div class="layoutArea"> <div class="column"> <p>Keywords: Brexit; Sustainable Urban Development; European Union; United Kingdom; Resilient Cities</p> </div> </div> </div> </div> Ashton Santoso, Hilya Khalisha Mumtazah Copyright (c) 2024 https://journal.unpar.ac.id/index.php/Sentris/article/view/7785 Fri, 29 Nov 2024 00:00:00 +0700 Unraveling the Humanitarian Intervention Dilemmas and Failures of the United Nations in “Quo Vadis, Aida?” Film https://journal.unpar.ac.id/index.php/Sentris/article/view/7792 <p style="font-weight: 400;"><span style="font-weight: 400;">This journal explores the United Nations' (PBB) intervention in the conflict between Bosnia-Herzegovina and Serbia, with a particular focus on the tragic events depicted in the film "Quo Vadis, Aida?" The study delves into the challenges faced by the UN, an actor well-known for their conflict resolution since World War, but it is relatively new in finding resolutions in terms of conflict between ethnicity, and its attempts to balance humanitarian and military interests. Despite initial efforts created by the UN, the actions were deemed as failures as the pinnacle of the conflict is Srebenica Genocide. Through this research, the author aims to find the factors behind the failed efforts in peacekeeping in Bosnia-Herzegovina.</span></p> <div class="page" title="Page 1"> <div class="section"> <div class="layoutArea"> <div class="column"> <p>Keywords: Srebrenica Genocide; The United Nations; Humanitarian Intervention.</p> </div> </div> </div> </div> Cynthia Syukur Purwanto Copyright (c) 2024 https://journal.unpar.ac.id/index.php/Sentris/article/view/7792 Fri, 29 Nov 2024 00:00:00 +0700 The Significance of Abolishing Foreign Agents Bill in Ensuring Zourabichvili’s Political Survival https://journal.unpar.ac.id/index.php/Sentris/article/view/7850 <p style="font-weight: 400;">The Foreign Agents Bill caused a significant divide between the Georgian government, its civil society, and President Salome Zourabichvili with her European Union (EU) aspirations, due to its controversial nature of alienating the existence of civil society in the country, along with the fact that it is in direct opposition with the twelve point candidacy criteria issued by the EU – thus endangering any future prospects and relations between Georgia and the EU. This paper will analyze the decision-making processes Zourabichvili employed to navigate this considerable challenge to her political survival as a pro-EU leader. Through the lens of poliheuristic theory, this paper explores two critical dimensions encountered in Zourabichvili’s decision-making process – namely the domestic political and strategic dimensions – through an analysis of her political psychology. It highlights the importance of considering national interests during policy formation, as negative reactions can significantly impact a leader’s political survival and the nation’s geopolitical influence.</p> <p style="font-weight: 400;">Keywords: Georgia; European Union; Foreign Agents Bill; Poliheuristic Theory; Political Survival</p> <p style="font-weight: 400;"> </p> Laksmitha Anindyanari, Patrick Rafael Copyright (c) 2024 https://journal.unpar.ac.id/index.php/Sentris/article/view/7850 Fri, 29 Nov 2024 00:00:00 +0700 Erosi Demokrasi: Memikirkan Ulang Keberadaan Oligarki dalam Melorotnya Perwujudan Demokrasi di Kolombia Pasca-Perang Saudara hingga 2022 https://journal.unpar.ac.id/index.php/Sentris/article/view/8502 <p><em><span style="font-weight: 400;">Nowadays, the democratization process is often hampered not by power struggles, but by the presence of 'invisible hands' (certain organizations, elites, and groups) that penetrate the government structure and disrupt the circulation of democratization in a country. This case occurred in the Colombian government, where there is a specific pattern of nonstate social order - companies, political elites, mafia, and so on - that influences the government structure of a country, and plays the role of power behind the official government. This causes&nbsp; an issue that affects the lives of the Colombian people and government, namely the existence of mafia elites who infiltrate various aspects of society, including the law and government of Colombia itself. The research method used is qualitative descriptive based on data collection through books, journals, articles, and other reliable sources. This paper aims to explain how the presence of mafia elites in Colombia affects the country's democracy and civil society life using Robert Michels' Iron Law of Oligarchy theory. The results of the study show that the existence of drug cartels uses power to make unilateral decisions by taking actions that ignore the official government and the voices of civil society, the dominance of elites and criminals by launching violence and repression for their own interests, and the apathy of the Colombian people towards the existing government system, seen from their indifference to the leaders elected during the election.</span></em></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p><strong><em>Keywords: </em></strong><em><span style="font-weight: 400;">democracy, elite, oligarchy, iron law of oligarchy, mafia, Colombia</span></em></p> Jonathan Kay Christian, Anastasya Jesslyn Hartono Salim, Keisya Diva Kurniawan Copyright (c) 2024 https://journal.unpar.ac.id/index.php/Sentris/article/view/8502 Fri, 29 Nov 2024 00:00:00 +0700 Persepsi Ancaman dan Respons Amerika Serikat di Arktik terhadap Polar Silk Road https://journal.unpar.ac.id/index.php/Sentris/article/view/8504 <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Tiongkok membentuk kebijakan </span><em><span style="font-weight: 400;">Polar Silk Road</span></em><span style="font-weight: 400;"> (PSR) di tahun 2018. PSR dimaksudkan untuk mendorong pembangunan ekonomi positif antara Tiongkok dan negara-negara kawasan Arktik. Meskipun begitu, eksistensi PSR tetap dipandang sebagai ancaman untuk Amerika Serikat (AS) karena Tiongkok juga memiliki hubungan kooperatif dengan Rusia di kawasan Arktik. Keadaan tersebut mengakibatkan AS menghadapi dua ancaman: (1) persaingan ekonomi AS-Tiongkok; dan (2) kerja sama militer Tiongkok-Rusia. Dengan demikian, artikel ilmiah ini berupaya untuk menganalisis secara mendalam terkait persepsi ancaman AS atas eksistensi PSR, bagaimana ancaman tersebut mendorong respons dan tindakan AS di Arktik, beserta implikasinya terhadap stabilitas kawasan. Penggunaan kerangka teori </span><em><span style="font-weight: 400;">power transition</span></em><span style="font-weight: 400;"> dipilih untuk menjelaskan respons AS terhadap PSR melalui tiga indikator: (1) ancaman dan dilema keamanan; (2) perimbangan kekuatan; serta (3) perdamaian dan perang. </span><em><span style="font-weight: 400;">Power transition</span></em><span style="font-weight: 400;"> menjelaskan terkait eksistensi ancaman yang mendorong AS untuk melakukan perimbangan kekuatan melalui respons-responsnya seperti memberikan donor ekonomi dan penguatan aliansi di kawasan. Teori ini juga menekankan pentingnya tingkat perimbangan kekuatan yang diberikan AS, karena bentuk perimbangan dalam tingkat ekstrem akan menyebabkan eskalasi militer dan instabilitas kawasan. Maka dari itu, berdasarkan teori </span><em><span style="font-weight: 400;">power transition,</span></em><span style="font-weight: 400;"> langkah paling strategis yang dapat diimplementasikan AS adalah dengan melakukan perimbangan kekuatan dalam tingkat rendah sehingga stabilitas Arktik tetap terjaga.</span></p> <p> </p> <p><strong>Kata kunci: </strong><em><span style="font-weight: 400;">Polar Silk Road, </span></em><span style="font-weight: 400;">Arktik</span><em><span style="font-weight: 400;">, </span></em><span style="font-weight: 400;">Rivalitas AS-Tiongkok-Rusia, Transisi Kekuatan</span></p> <p> </p> <p><em><span style="font-weight: 400;">China established the Polar Silk Road (PSR) policy in 2018. The PSR aims to build positive economic developments between China and the Arctic states. Nonetheless, China’s involvement in the PSR is still perceived as a strategic threat by the United States (the U.S.), due to China’s cooperative relationship with Russia in the Arctic. This leaves the U.S. facing two threats: (1) US-China economic competition; (2) China-Russia military cooperation. Consequently, this article aims to conduct a comprehensive analysis of the U.S. threat perceptions regarding China’s PSR, how these threats drive the U.S. responses and actions in the Arctic, along with the implications for regional stability. Power transition theory is used to explain the U.S. response to the PSR through three indicators: (1) threats and security dilemma; (2) balance of power; and (3) peace and war. Power transition explains the existence of threats that drive the U.S. to pursue a balance of power through its responses, such as providing economic aid and strengthening alliances in the region. This theory also emphasizes the importance of the U.S. maintaining a balanced power level, as an extreme form of balance may result in military escalation and regional instability. Therefore, according to power transition theory, the most strategic measure that the U.S. can implement is to maintain a low level of balance of power in order to ensure Arctic stability.</span></em></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;"><br /><strong><em>Keywords: </em></strong><em>Polar Silk Road, Arctic, The US-China-Russia Rivalry, Power Transition</em></span></p> Made Usha M. G. Duarsa, Kezia Regina Setyono, Rahel Vidyarini, Aknolt Kristian Pakpahan Copyright (c) 2024 https://journal.unpar.ac.id/index.php/Sentris/article/view/8504 Fri, 29 Nov 2024 00:00:00 +0700 Absensi Regionalisme di Asia Timur dari Perspektif Jepang https://journal.unpar.ac.id/index.php/Sentris/article/view/8540 <p><em>The absence of East Asian regionalism has become a problem along with the increasing political tensions and the competition for military power from the member countries of the region. However, the bright spot for the creation of regionalism is not increasingly emerging and instead Japan, China and Korea choose their respective allies in the uncertainty of this international political contestation. History proves the truth today, that disputing countries will not easily cooperate in the same forum unless assisted by a third party. In this case, ASEAN is a liaison through ASEAN+3 and from Japan's perspective this situation is good. Cooperation between Japan and China, Japan and Korea and a mixture of the three often occurs bilaterally or non-bilaterally through ASEAN. Following the flow of the existing problems, a research question was formulated, "From a Japan perspective, why didn't regionalism have been created in the East Asia region even though a regionalization process had been established?" To help formulate answers in this article the author uses qualitative methods and critical security studies theory. From a Japan perspective, the absence of East Asian regionalism occurs because of the long history experienced by powerful countries in the region. Regionalism is increasingly suppressed in its development because the dynamics of the region are tenuous, tense and tend to experience fluctuations due to social, economic and military struggles, especially nuclear weapons.</em></p> <p><strong>Keywords</strong>: <em>Regionalism; East Asia; Japan; ASEAN+3; History</em></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Absensi regionalisme Asia Timur menjadi masalah seiring dengan meningkatnya ketegangan politik dan perlombaan adu kekuatan militer dari negara-negara anggota kawasannya. Hal tersebut menunjukkan kegagalan kohesi kawasan. Titik terang untuk pembuatan regionalisme ini tidak kian muncul dan malahan Jepang, Cina dan Korea Utara memilih sekutunya masing-masing dalam ketidakpastian kontestasi politik internasional ini. Sejarah membuktikan kebenarannya hari ini, bahwa negara yang pernah berselisih tidak akan secara mudah bekerja sama dalam satu wadah mereka sendiri kecuali diikuti bantuan oleh pihak ketiga. Keterlibatan pihak ketiga seperti ASEAN dalam ASEAN+3 membuat kohesi antar negara ini semakin hilang, akibat mereka tidak terkoneksi secara langsung dan independen. ASEAN yang menjadi penghubung melalui ASEAN+3 dianggap baik dari perspektif Jepang. Mengikuti alur permasalahan yang ada, dirumuskan sebuah pertanyaan penelitian, “Dari perspektif Jepang, mengapa tidak tercipta regionalisme di kawasan Asia Timur walaupun telah terjalin proses regionalisasi?.” Untuk membantu perumusan jawaban, dalam artikel ini penulis menggunakan metode kualitatif dan teori konstruktivisme serta konsep dilema keamanan. Dari perspektif Jepang, absensi regionalisme Asia Timur terjadi karena sejarah panjang yang dilalui oleh negara-negara kuat di kawasan tersebut dan itu menciptakan permasalahan identitas yang membedakan Jepang dengan Korea Utara dan juga Cina. Regionalisme semakin melemah karena dinamika kawasan yang renggang, menegang dan fluktuatif. </span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> </span></p> <p><strong>Kata kunci: </strong><span style="font-weight: 400;">Regionalisme Asia Timur; Jepang; ASEAN+3; Konstruktivisme; Dilema Keamanan</span></p> Audrey Diva Azzahra Arief, Rahel Jechire Kalisang Copyright (c) 2024 https://journal.unpar.ac.id/index.php/Sentris/article/view/8540 Fri, 29 Nov 2024 00:00:00 +0700